INTRODUCTION

What can be learned by studying interfaith interactions in al-Andalus? The answers offered here are gleaned from our respective experiences as a student and a professor in an interdisciplinary course on Andalusia at the American University of Sharjah (AUS) in the United Arab Emirates. Our vantage point is made all the more valuable because many of the inhabitants of al-Andalus - the title often applied to modern- day Spain and Portugal from the 8th through 15th centuries, when most or parts of the Iberian Peninsula were under Muslim rule - could then and can now trace their heritage to the Arabian Peninsula. The lessons posited will hopefully help you understand some of the connections between this shared history, as well as utilize these connections as you work to help those of your own and other faiths find their way forward together.

The time of the independent Umayyad caliphate (756-1031 AD) - with its most cohesive phase being described by scholars as the “Golden Age” or the time when its capital, Cordoba, was “the ornament of the world” - stands out as a period in which in which the so-called “clash of civilizations” proclaimed in the contemporary context by the American scholar Samuel Huntington was much less than inevitable. It is true that, after more than 250 years of mutually beneficial symbiosis among Muslims, Christians and Jews, this interaction came to be challenged in ways that left the society beyond repair, amidst the next 500 years of Muslim infighting and the Christian Reconquista. Yet even this latter period was highlighted from time to time by instances of stunning cross-cultural fertilization in a variety of fields as Muslims, Christians and Jews alike benefited from the patronage of competing Muslim and Christian kings. Cases of cooperation and alliances between various

Muslim and Christian leaders are also well documented. Even the last Muslim-led kingdom of Granada, which held out on its own for some 260 years before its fall in 1492, arguably arose as a gift given to a Muslim ally by a Christian king in appreciation of the former's support of the latter in a battle against a rival Christian leader. Was al-Andalus under the Umayyads or at any other time an ideal example of functioning multiculturalism? What were the failures and the successes of the Andalusian model in this regard? The theme emerging from our studies is that while al-Andalus was not an ideal society when it came to interreligious interaction, co-existence or tolerance, it does provide an example of constructive inter-faith dialogue that offers us much food for thought (not to mention its collective achievements in architecture, agriculture, literature, music, philosophy, diplomacy, and public administration) when it comes to contemporary interfaith and intra-faith discussions.

LESSONS LEARNED

The student of al-Andalus must guard against becoming a romantic. The positive aspects of this time and place have their limitations. Similarly, its critics must not be allowed to mislead us by exaggerating flaws. On the up-side, the histories of al-Andalus demonstrate that social dysfunctions caused by the pursuit of superiority can be overcome. There are ways to deal with and accommodate cultural contradictions brought about by beliefs, practices and circumstances which pose a challenge to one's faith. The fear of difference and domination can be overcome in a socially constructive manner. On the down-side, al-Andalus reconfirms the observation that people who feel they are superior demand more rights and privileges than those they see as inferior. They also demand more attention than and may further seek control over others, often under the guise of being on a heaven-sent mission. Stereotyping is another problematic aspect of the superiority complex. Whatever the answer, this explicit expression of superiority through the stereotyping (especially of Arabs, Muslims and Jews in our time) has put more emphasis on the need to identify areas of potential cooperation between people of different faiths.

Though at times a highly successful society, al-Andalus was not perfect, if perfection means an absence of discriminatory regulations or disputes between and within different societal subgroups. Muslim political dominance was softened in theory by an acceptance of Christians and Jews, but undermined in practice by fees and limitations. Attempts to secure religious dominance can also occur within religions, between religions, and between those who classify themselves as believers and those who identify with no faith. Each type of conflict was present there, even during the Umayyad dynasty, including what Tariq Ali has called “the clash of fundamentalisms”.

When the Muslim conquest of Iberia began in 711, Islamic teachings led the conquerors (or should we view them as liberators?) to guarantee the religious rights of all other Peoples of the Book or dhimmis: Christians and Jews. By virtue of having a holy book containing teachings revealed through a prophet and Islam's recognition of its historical predecessors, Christians and Jews were treated with respect by their Muslim rulers in a form of social compact which recognized their right to organize their social affairs independently, thus extending co-existence beyond tolerance to acceptance. The Treaty of Tudmir in 713 serves as a prominent early example of this enlightened approach. Before the arrival of Muslims, the ruling Visigoths considered Jews to be inferior. They were not allowed to marry Christians, own land or hold administrative positions, were made to renounce their faith, and forced to have their children baptized as Christians. The arrival of the Muslims greatly improved the status of the Jewish community.

The Islam of the initial conquerors spoke of the need for a dialogue with other traditions and the desirability of protecting and preserving the cultural identity of other faiths. From this perspective, they were keen on preserving the status of the Christians and restoring the status of the Jews in their society, admittedly at least in part for instrumental reasons, given the many useful societal and administrative contributions Christians and Jews could make as bureaucrats, diplomats, translators, traders, physicians, and learned advisors. Even the Hebrew language and Hebrew literature reached new heights during the time of the Umayyad caliphate within and beyond the Jewish community as a result of its inspired interaction with Arabic. Prominent Jewish scholars and administrators continued to appear during the subsequent Taifa Kings period (1031-1085) as well.

Affirming their faith, Umayyad leaders believed that a healthy interactive relationship between Islam, Christianity and Judaism would strengthen society as a whole. This said, there were still clear constraints on Christians and Jews under the Umayyads. Neither subordinate group was allowed to display their religious rituals in public. Jews had become somewhat familiar with this restriction under the Visigoths. That some Christians were unable to reconcile themselves with such limitations may have been one of the reasons some of them actively sought external support for a rebellion against their Muslim rulers and to promote what became the Christian reconquest of Iberia.

But while other religious freedoms were granted to the dhimmis, this protection did come at a price as in return Christians and Jews had to pay a tax - the jizya - which was not levied on Muslims. (Muslims were obligated by their faith to pay the less onerous zakat.) Further, by the middle of the ninth century and as the intolerance towards Christians and Jews among some Muslims began to rise, in many jurisdictions anyone who aspired to occupy an important position in the government had to be a Muslim. The quest to become exempt from the jizya and the desire to be eligible for court positions led many non-Muslims to convert to Islam - a trend that troubled Christian leaders in particular and fuelled their push to encourage the reconquest of the peninsula by Christian kingdoms in the north, a movement aided by pagans within al-Andalus who faced forced conversion or worse under Muslim rule.

The relatively cohesive, productive pluralistic and multicultural society nurtured by the Umayyads wasn't democratic, but it worked in its context. Thus, it remains for us a useful historical example to ponder, remembering that the pinnacle of Andalusian societal achievement came immediately before the period in which the modern state system emerged in Europe. As such, al-Andalus and the positive aspects of the Andalusian legacy could be seen as victims of the monocultural preferences apparent in the neighbouring political developments of the time. The Muslim rulers were proved wise to preserve the cultural identity of the dhimmis. This diversity arguably created a distinct Andalusian culture. Mutual benefit could be observed in the all manner of arts and sciences. Christians and Jews were free to organize most of their social affairs without interference from the Muslim-led government. Moreover, with religious freedoms guaranteed, the Muslims and dhimmis could identify with the commonality found in their location and personal aspirations, rather than be divided on the basis of religious concerns.

Yet Andalusia under the Umayyads was not a model of cosmopolitanism at its best. Superiority was still manifest in different ways. Muslims in al- Andalus didn't pay the jizya, while the appropriateness of Christians, Jews and even converts to Islam holding high political office was increasingly contested within the Muslim community. These social limitations and economic obligations - which caused some to undergo nominal conversions to Islam and others to rebel - thus had a negative impact on the sociology of al- Andalus, its positive attributes notwithstanding. The exclusion, forced conversion and attempted elimination of pagans did not help. Instead, it helped contribute to the unsustainability of al-Andalus.

CONCLUSION:
BACK TO THE FUTURE?

Just as the pursuit of monocultural, single religion, territorial and oppositional states has proven problematic since the demise of al-Andalus, so has the increasingly singular pursuit of Western or Americanstyle democracy in our post-Cold War world of the twenty-first century. Democracy may not be the only way to achieve a peaceful, productive, pluralistic and culturally dynamic society. Does the history of al- Andalus suggest that there might be a middle way between the evils of dominance and the shortcomings of democracy?

As we have suggested, the core of the challenge lies in confronting the superiority complex, in finding ways to think of the other as we think of ourselves and in recognizing the other's ability to add something to our knowledge of ourselves. Many Andalusis seem to have succeeded in dealing with cultural contradictions presented by the other and in “conceiving of their own selves in liberal, complex and ironic terms.” For a time, the self-other problem seemed to vanish. The self and the other became one. Can we get beyond the various forms of contemporary fundamentalism? Is it possible for us today to operate with epistemological modesty? Can we deny that great civilizations were achieved by non-fundamentalists like the Greeks, Sumerians and Andalusians? If we believe it is a human right to be a believer, are we willing to recognize the choice to be an infidel or nonbeliever as human right?

The lack of, need for, and challenges offered by critical thinking have been frequently exposed when trying to get across the multiple purposes of our course on al- Andalus, exploring the operating assumptions in student minds, and confronting apparent contradictions to one's faith. The same could be said for our discussions of the importance of history, the recognition that there are various histories of al-Andalus, the positive and negative aspects of the Andalusian legacy, Arab and Islamic contributions to Western civilization, and the reasons why the history of al-Andalus is poorly understood (if it is understood or taught at all) in both the Arab/Muslim world and the West. The latter observation is a shocking indictment of educational systems everywhere. Al-Andalus was not a perfect society, but it was arguably the pre-eminent Western society of its time inasmuch as it served as the link between the Greek and Roman civilizations before it and the European civilization that was to follow it. While the rest of Europe endured the Dark Ages, light and enlightenment shone brightly at times in al- Andalus. To ignore its existence, legacy and lessons seems illogical and irresponsible, if not criminal. At the same time, such omissions also force us to exercise our critical thinking skills in ways that will allow us to more effectively refute Orientalist logic and divisive, fear-laden theses like that of the clash of civilizations. In this spirit and fully aware that al-Andalus was not heaven on earth (despite the claims of many of its inhabitants!), we encourage you as people of faith, local community members, and global citizens to explore this example further on your own and to learn more about the lessons that can be drawn from this inspiring and instructive time and place.

REFERENCES AND WORKS FOR FURTHER STUDY

Leading academic works on al-Andalus include Richard Fletcher, Moorish Spain (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992); Salma Khadra Jayyusi, ed., The Legacy of Muslim Spain, Vols. I-II (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992); Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal (London: Longmans, 1996); Olivia Remie Constable, ed., Medieval Iberia (Philadelphia, PA: University of Philadelphia Press, 1997); and Maria Rosa Menocal, The Ornament of the World (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2002).

On the “clash of civilizations” thesis, see Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remarking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). This analysis is extended in Lawrence E. Harrison and Samuel P. Huntington, eds., Culture Matters (New York: Basic Books, 2000) and Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004).

Our own thinking follows along the lines of Edward Said, who has ably challenged Huntington's thesis. See Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); Edward Said, Covering Islam, rev. ed. (New York: Vintage Books, 1997); and the video recordings, Edward Said: On Orientalism and Edward Said: The Myth of the Clash of Civilizations (Northampton, MA: Media Education Foundation, 1998). See also Samuel P. Huntington, ed., The Clash of Civilizations?: The Debate (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1996).

For an alternative critique of Huntington's thesis, see Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms (London: Verso, 2002). Ali has also explores this theme in a provocative novel about al-Andalus entitled, Shadows of the Pomegranate Tree (London: Verso Books, 1993).

NOTES

1 This article is a revised version of a paper presented to the 3rd Annual International Conference on an Inter-Faith Perspective on Globalization for the Common Good, Dubai, United Arab Emirates, 26-31 March 2004. We are indebted to our fellow students and faculty at AUS for much of what we have learned about al-Andalus, as we are to our colleagues at the Dubai conference for their feedback on our initial presentation of the lessons outlined here.
2 For an overview, see Nagwa S. Hedayet, “The Jews of Al-Andalus,” Journal of Social Affairs, Vol. 20, No. 79 (Fall 2003), 41-59.
3 William Gallois, “Andalusian Cosmopolitanism in World History,” Paper presented to the Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture Congress on “Building a Universal Civilization: A Basis for Understanding,” AUS, 17-19 January 2004.
4 Deena K.Y. Hussein, “Poet Adonis Talks of New Arab Culture,” The Leopard (Student Newspaper, AUS), Vol. 12, No. 2 (March 2004), 1.

Hazar Ibdah is a recent graduate of the Department of Electrical and Electronic Engineering and Lawrence T. Woods is Associate Professor of Political Science and International Studies in the Department of Arab and International Studies at the American University of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates. Note: all photos are from al-Andalus, courtexy of the authors.